Non-cash currency — deposited money (checking accounts) Part I. Part III.
Part IV.
Deposited money as a form of credit money represents currency in
paperless form. From an economic point of view, the existence and
development are a result of the following: 1. Reducing costs of circulation; 2. Speeding up of circulation; 3. Practicality and comparative security of cashless transactions; 4. Simplicity of supervision of circulation for the State. This form of money has the following important properties:
Deposited money acquired the function of money only with the
process of realization of cashless bank accounts i.e. only in the mid 20th
century. This became possible only at the time of a corresponding
level of development of industrial power, in part thanks to the release
of banking mainframes by the company IBM and the introduction of
CHIPS, an electronic system of inter-bank accounts. L.G. Efimova writes: «In connection with this, economists for a long
time did not acknowledge call deposits as being money. When, in 1930,
John Maynard Keynes, in his book «Treatise on Money» included call
deposit in his concept of money, G. Parker Willis, a famous professor
of Colombia University, reacted to this entirely critically162. Amongst
later economists, practically no opponents to this point of view remained163. The problem of the right to issue cashless (credit) money has not
been unequivocally solved by the legislator. Insofar as a ban on cashless
emissions exists, any commercial bank may issue (and does issue) its
money in the form of balances in payment and current accounts. Nobel
Prize laureate Friedrich Hayek spoke out in favour of the issue of private
money167. He proposed that the monetary liability expressed by the currency
issued by any concrete issuer would amount to the nominal value.
However, different types of currency should be freely exchanged according
to the rate of exchange. At the same time F. Hayek spoke out
for the necessity for each issuer to support the value (buying power) of
his currency in relation to the average set of wholesale products (a standard
of price) by means of special, pre-determined measures of influence.
«I expect that, at least in wealthy regions, far exceeding presentday
national territories, people will be willing to regard an average set
of wholesale products as a price standard, in relation to which they
would prefer to safeguard the constancy of their money168. Despite
scepticism from opponents, Hayek’s ideas clearly came to fruition in
Russia, where promissory notes of the company «Gazprom» indeed
fulfil the function of money, in both wholesale transactions and in the
accumulations of financial institutions. The researcher himself suggested
that the full realization of his idea requires corresponding political
reforms, because governments are unlikely to relinquish the profitable privilege of issuing money169. However, his idea about private
money was partly realized in the form of call deposits. Some economists and lawyers suggest that such «private monies» do
not have a cash/tangible form. Here we are forced to disagree and to
point out that «self-addressed» bank bills, issued in exchange for deposits,
which are so widespread now in Russia, are in fact «private
monies». When such money is termed «private», their private-legal
content is implied, in contrast to currency, which has public-legal
content. It is very important to note that their private-legal character applies
only in the relationship between the investor and the private bank,
whilst the legal relationship between the private bank and the State bank
it remains one of a public-legal character. Thus, deposited money (cashless currency), in the form of balances
in the accounts of enterprises and organisations, is money of both
the Central Bank of the Russian Federation and of the commercial
banks. When a customer withdraws money from his account, then, in
essence, one is talking about of the conversion of cashless currency
(deposited money) to cash currency, to the banknotes and coinage of
the Central Bank of the Russian Federation. "Now we will investigate the legal character of non-cash money. For
the purpose of this book, we understand cashless currency as balances
in credit in various client accounts in banks, to which the application of
Chapter 45 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation extends. They
are accounts which are specially intended for carrying out various
transactions: payment, current, current currency, correspondence, accounts
for the financing of capital investments etc.170 From a legal point
of view, an entry into a bank account serves as a quantitative expression
of the legal-liability claim of the client towards the bank. However, this
circumstance does not impede the recognition of the bank liabilities as
money, taking into account that the latter fulfils the function of a means
of payment. As a liability of the relevant storehouse (bank, depository), cashless
money is subject to the law of obligations. An entry into a bank account attests to what sum (to what measure) the bank is the debtor of its client.
In this way, the legal relationship we are examining appears to be relative
and arises by the will of each party to the bank account contract.
According to this contract, the obligation of the bank consists of the
completion of concrete, positive actions. It should carry out the instructions
of the client in making payments to a third party, in releasing cash
funds to the client within the limits of the balance of his account and
likewise it should accept payments owed to the client. The owner of the
account’s right of demand can be violated above all by the bank, to
which the client has the right to lay the same claim171 At the present time, the overwhelming majority of money in circulation
in Russia is deposited, cashless money, which has almost no
tangible expression (discounting the paper receipts on which bank
statements are printed). In this way, contemporary deposited cashless
money presents itself as a non-document nominal security:
When considering the security of such a form of liabilities, we say
that the liability of the Central Bank itself is secured, just as in the case
of cash currency:
The liability of the private bank should, in theory, be secured by the
aforementioned liabilities of the Central Bank, but in the assets of any
bank, non-cash currency occupies, in accordance with Basle Principles,
no less than 12%, and as a rule, no more than 25%. As a result of the
active credit policy of any bank, its liabilities are fundamentally secured
by the quality of its credit portfolio. Despite unity of form, the means of administration of money, on the
part of the clients, varies from bank to bank, leading to a certain amount
of confusion amongst economists. There is no such thing as «electronic money», but there is an electronic
method of gaining access to deposited funds; there is no «plastic
money», but there is a method of gaining access to accounts with the
help of plastic cards. We will now introduce the basic methods of the administration of
(access to) money:
Circulation This form of money has no consumer value, since it does not exist
in tangible form (perhaps it does possess a certain value of joyful emotion,
arising when the rich man admires his bank balance, but this is
hard to evaluate). The exchange value, as already indicated, depends
only on the generally recognized, current reputation of the issuer, and
also on the short and long-term expectations of fluctuations of the
money in terms of a commodity basket (its buying power). Since the development of a reliable long-distance communications
and computing technology, the banking system was finally able to rid
itself of the complex derivative legal relations. This form of money has
practically no tangible form. It is secured against the right to demand its acceptance in payment
of taxes and for any payment between two legal parties, with the exception
of a relationship known to be retail (not wholesale) commercial.
This exception, of accepting cash currency as payment for goods, is
conditionally licensed by the government in order to support a steady
demand for non-cash currency. Demand for currency Besides generally known factors of demand for money, including
those described by Keynes and Friedman, demand for cash and noncash
currency not guaranteed by gold, forms as a result of the following
factors, which, rather than being of economic character, are of a precisely
juridical, public-legal nature. 1. The necessity of paying taxes. Any upstanding government accepts
only its own currency as payment of taxes. Correspondingly, the
demand for currency depends on:
However, it is sufficiently obvious that high rates of taxation lead to
the flight of industry to other jurisdictions, and low rates of taxation
lead to weakening of the government’s ability to defend its borders and
to maintain order within the sovereign territory. Tax rate in the USA is
the main publicly discussed issue and fluctuates, depending on the
condition of the economy and the general public will, in the region of
20–30%. 2. The necessity of transactions with the State for the purchase of
State property. This is not an overly important factor, which actually
works in the case of the privatisation by the government of wealthy
enterprises. 3. The necessity of having precisely State-supported means of paying
any debt or making any payment within the territory of said State.
This issue arises particularly sharply with the significant risk of disputes
emerging when deals (transactions) are being made. If there is sufficient
faith in the judicial resolution of a conflict, settlement of a debt with
an improper means of payment can be a serious argument against the
payer. But this factor directly depends on the strength of the government.
In periods of discord and change of government, the aforementioned
factor works against the currency or in favour of such privatelegal
liabilities, like bills/promissory notes or bank liabilities or in favour
of natural commodity money. 4. The demand for currency for hoarding purposes, arising as a
result of a lower level of faith in the government, compared to other
issuers. This emerges usually in the case when confidence in one’s own
government or in its ability to keep inflation in check, is essentially
lower than confidence in other governments. An example of this is the
Russians’ total lack of confidence in the Russian rouble as a means of
stabilising prices, arising in part as a result of Pavlov’s reforms, which
withdrew 50 and 100 rouble banknotes from circulation without compensation,
and also as a result of many years of inflation and hyperinflation,
which had regularly cheapened cash and non-cash currency. The
author is personally acquainted with people who had invested
10,000 roubles in Sberbank in the 1980s, which at that time was enough
to buy a «Volga» car or a decent house, and now is enough only to buy
a children’s bike. 5. The demand for currency for hoarding purposes, arising as a
result of confidence in a government which capably supports a reliable
and functional banking system. For example, the total collapse of the
banking system in 1998 does not facilitate long-term storage of money,
in the form of long-term rouble deposits. A series of experts (the author included) believe that the fundamental
causes of bank crises are not so much the sharp fluctuations in
property prices (for building societies), in share prices (for investment
banks), currency etc., as much as the incorrect fulfilment by the government
of its regulatory function, which involves not allowing the warping
of the credit portfolios of banks in one or another branch of the
economy. For example, in the USA after the crisis of 1930–1933 banks
were prohibited by legislation from acquiring shares. 6. Convenient currency legislation. If the government prohibits the
circulation of its own currency abroad, it is difficult for it to hope that
foreign citizens and businesses will accumulate this currency. |
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